Empowering First Nations women through secure housing

Meg Yates, The University of Sydney, CSW 2023 Fellow

Executive Summary

This policy addresses housing insecurity faced by First Nations women in Australia, focusing on promoting home ownership and enhancing economic opportunities. Despite existing federal and state government housing policies, there is a lack of coordinated national support for First Nations women’s housing needs. Current housing policies primarily offer direct assistance, but fall short in addressing supply-side measures and improving affordability.  

First Nations women face unique barriers to accessing long-term and affordable housing options, including inadequate supply, domestic and family violence and systemic discrimination in housing markets (ABS, 2023; AHRC, 2020; AHURI, 2022). Estimates from the 2021 Census highlighted that First Nations Australians are 8.8 times more likely to be homeless than non-Indigenous Australians (AIHW, 2023).Equitable access to secure housing is pivotal for well-being and economic participation, therefore helping to break the cycle of disadvantage. 

This policy proposes funding options within the Commonwealth Government's Housing Australia Future Fund (HAFF) to increase affordable housing supply for First Nations women, through partnerships with the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Housing Authority (NATSIHA) and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Community Controlled Housing Organisations (ATSICCHOs), and addresses housing demand by reducing home loan deposit barriers. The policy requires an investment of $1.02 billion over the four years, supporting at least 2,000 First Nations women to purchase a home.

This policy aligns with the National Agreement on Closing the Gap’s Priority Reform 2: Building the Community Controlled Sector and Target 9: People can secure appropriate, affordable housing aligned with their priorities and needs (Coalition of Peaks and all Australian Governments, 2020). However, the policy faces risks including economic challenges for developers due to low profitability from affordable housing projects and the need for ongoing government support to ensure the policy’s continuity and effectiveness. 

Homeownership is just one component of the housing spectrum. Additional policies are required to address First Nations peoples’ overrepresentation in homelessness, overcrowding and social housing statistics. While this draft policy is informed by desktop research, the final policy must be developed in partnership with First Nations women to ensure an effective and inclusive solution.

Problem Identification

Australia faces an inadequate supply of affordable housing for First Nations women, particularly for homeownership or long-term leases. This undersupply directly impacts affordability, disproportionately affecting low-income households. The median share of disposable income spent on housing increased from 14% in 1999-00 to 17% in 2019-20, reaching 43% for the lowest income quartile (Productivity Commission, 2022). Insufficient housing supply has driven up rents, lowered vacancy rates and increased demand for government-funded housing and homelessness services.

Despite substantial government investment in housing policies, key indicators such as homelessness, overcrowding and homeownership for First Nations people have either stagnated or worsened over the past five years (Productivity Commission, 2023). Estimates from the 2021 Census highlighted that First Nations Australians are 8.8 times more likely to be homeless than non-Indigenous Australians (307 compared with 35 per 10,000 population) (AIHW, 2023). First Nations households are three times more likely to live in overcrowded dwellings and four times more likely to rent in social housing, compared to other households (AIHW, 2023). 

Undersupply of adequate housing leads to a range of social and economic costs for government and society, including homelessness, stress, depression, domestic violence, and reduced educational attainment, disposable income and wellbeing (Nygaard, 2022). Discrimination and systemic biases within the housing sector compound these challenges for First Nations women (AHRC, 2020). Housing and safety from domestic and family violence are interconnected for First Nations women. Overcrowded and inadequate housing conditions heighten vulnerability to abuse for women and children (Blagg, et al., 2018). Services aimed at supporting First Nations women leaving abusive relationships often face difficulties due to the limited availability of long-term housing options. This situation often leads to women staying in unhealthy family situations or abusive relationships.  

The absence of a targeted national approach for affordable housing for First Nations women exacerbates these issues. Securing stable housing is crucial for alleviating barriers and ensuring the safety, economic independence and wellbeing of First Nations women in Australia. Complementary policies addressing violence, discrimination and systemic biases against First Nations women are essential for achieving meaningful solutions and promoting equity in housing access.

Context

Australia’s Undersupply of Housing

Supply-side housing policies relate to the provision of housing, such as building affordable homes, supporting build-to-rent-to-buy housing schemes, or reforming land use and planning regulations. On the other hand, demand-side measures include direct assistance to households looking to buy or rent a home, such tax concessions, specialist mortgage products or cash grants.

Since the 1980s, Australia’s housing policies have shifted towards demand-side measures. Australian governments have spent $20.5 billion on stamp-duty concessions and grants for first-home buyers in the past decade (Pawson et al., 2022). Despite this, homeownership rates have declined over the same period, particularly for younger Australians, raising concerns about long-term affordability (Pawson et al., 2022; Productivity Commission, 2022; Whelan et al., 2023). Supply-side measures that directly relate to the provision of housing can improve affordability by making more housing available to those demanding it. However, Australia lags behind other countries in its implementation of these measures. Finland, Germany and the Netherlands, for example, who invest more in supply-side measures have noticed increasing homeownership rates over the past two decades (Pawson et al., 2022). This calls for a comprehensive national approach to boost Australia’s housing supply.

Estimates suggest the social and economic costs of low housing supply could reach up to $1.3 billion per year by 2036 (Nygaard, 2022). When including labour market productivity, crime, health and education costs, a 2022 cost-benefit analysis indicates the undersupply of social and affordable housing could result in costs reaching $25 billion per year by 2051 (in 2021 dollars) (SGS Economics and Planning, 2022). This surpasses the current annual expenditure on all forms of direct housing assistance from Commonwealth and state/territory governments, which amounted to more than $16 billion in the 2020-21 financial year (Productivity Commission, 2022, pg. 68).

The Housing Australia Future Fund (HAFF), introduced in the 2022-23 Budget with a $10 billion allocation, targets social and affordable housing, including for First Nations communities and women (Department of Finance, 2023). The Government has committed to use returns from the fund to deliver 30,000 new social and affordable homes by 2028 (The Hon Julie Collins MP, 2023). The HAFF targets an average return net of cost of at least the Consumer Price Index (CPI) plus 2% to 3% per annum. The HAFF will provide an ongoing disbursement stream of $500 million per year, indexed to CPI from 2028-29 (Commonwealth Government Treasury, 2024). While a positive step in recognising women as a priority group, the HAFF’s vague objectives and lack of specific allocations for women, including First Nations women, raise concerns about its effectiveness in addressing targeted housing challenges. 

While precise data on First Nations women’s housing needs is limited, estimates from 2017 suggest a significant shortfall (Brackertz et al., 2017; Commonwealth of Australia, 2017). In New South Wales alone, there will be a projected shortfall of 65,000 dwellings by 2031 (Brackertz et al., 2017). The Commonwealth Government also projected an additional 5,500 dwellings are needed to address the housing shortage of First Nations people in remote Australia by 2028 (Commonwealth of Australia, 2017). 

Housing Policy for First Nations Australians

State and territory governments have their own First Nations housing strategies, but these have been criticised by the Productivity Commission for lacking specific solutions and adequate evaluation (Productivity Commission, 2022). 

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Community Controlled Housing Organisations (ATSICCHOs) are the preferred housing service providers for many First Nations people due to their culturally appropriate and holistic services (Department of Social Services, 2023). However, ATSICCHOs face challenges such as inconsistent funding, workforce issues and limited access to government programs, often losing out to mainstream providers in funding rounds (Productivity Commission, 2022).

The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Housing Association (NATSIHA) advocates for sustainable funding and support for ATSICCHOs under the National Agreement on Closing the Gap (NACTG), which commits all Australian governments to increase services delivered by First Nations community-controlled organisations (Priority Reform 2) by 2031. Specifically, NATSIHA works with ATSICCHOs to achieve the NACTG’s Target 9: People can secure appropriate, affordable housing aligned with their priorities and needs (Coalition of Peaks and all Australian Governments, 2020). 

Demand-side initiatives like Indigenous Business Australia (IBA)’s Indigenous Home Ownership Program (IHOP) have helped nearly 20,000 First Nations Australians achieve homeownership over the past 40 years. IHOP received more than $105 million in capital funding from the Commonwealth Government over three years in the 2021-22 Budget to support its operations (Deloitte Access Economics, 2022). Similar to programs for first-home buyers, IHOP is affected by market factors such as interest rates and undersupply of housing (IBA, 2023). For instance, the program received 8,140 expressions of interest in the 2022-23 financial year, but less than 1%, 465 applicants, converted loan approval into homeownership. This indicates challenges with housing accessibility and affordability for First Nations people in demand for homeownership (IBA, 2023). 

Benefits of Home Ownership

Studies have shown that homeownership has significant advantages for economic participation, health, wellbeing and child development (Baker et al., 2017; Coley et al., 2013; Maclennan et al., 2018). The 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights recognises adequate housing as a necessity and a basic human right (Article 11.1) (OHCHR, 2014). This right encompasses freedoms and entitlements such as security of tenure, equal and non-discriminatory access to adequate housing, and affordability. 

Homeownership provides stable and secure tenure, offering homeowners a sense of security and control, which positively impacts mental health and well-being (Bailie and Wayte, 2006; Shaw, 2004). For First Nations people, the motivations for pursuing homeownership often revolve around security, heritage and intergenerational benefits, rather than economic benefits and wealth creation (Memmott et al., 2009; Moran et al., 2010; Moran et al., 2016; SCRGSP, 2016: 9.23). First Nations rates of homeownership are positively linked to employment status and education outcomes (Sanders, 2005; SCRGSP, 2016), whereas social housing or insecure housing is associated with poorer educational outcomes and reduced school attendance (AIHW, 2010; Dockery et al., 2010; Dockery et al., 2013; Foster et al., 2011; Mallett et al., 2011; Ware, 2013).

Case Studies

Case Study 1: City of Sydney and Bridge Housing Affordable Housing for First Nations Women

In February 2023, the City of Sydney and Bridge Housing collaborated to offer 20 affordable apartments in Glebe for First Nations women. The purchase and refurbishment of the Glebe apartment building was funded by a $7.8 million City of Sydney levy and funding from the NSW Government. The rents are tied to household income rather than market rent, ensuring affordability at no more than 30% of the household’s income  (City of Sydney, 2023). The project has successfully housed 20 First Nations women (Bridge Housing, 2025).

Case Study 2: Head Start Homes Improving Access to Homeownership 

Head Start Homes, a not-for-profit organisation, assists low-income single women, First Nations people and households with disabilities to achieve homeownership. Supported by grant funding and philanthropic donations from more than 100 partnerships, Head Start Homes provides deposit guarantees and financial coaching to empower vulnerable households living in social and affordable housing transition to homeownership. This helps to reduce pressure on social housing waitlists and contributes to housing security. 

The NSW Aboriginal Housing Office is a Platinum Partner providing grant funding to Head Start Homes. As of September 2024, Head Start Homes have helped their clients purchase 18 homes, with 67% of their new homeowner clients being First Nations households (Head Start Homes, 2024).

Options

This policy recommends implementing measures to address both the supply and demand of affordable housing for First Nations women, including pathways to homeownership, by allocating HAFF funding to affordable housing supply for First Nations women. Options for funding allocations are outlined below.

Supply side options

1. Provide funding to community housing providers to purchase and refurbish existing housing.

Like Case Study 1, this option utilises existing properties to improve the quality of housing stock and enables community involvement in housing delivery. 

Estimated cost: $4 billion over four years to 2028 to purchase and redevelop existing properties.

Proposed implementation: The Commonwealth Government provides funding to housing providers through tendered contracts. 

Min. number of dwellings supported: 2,000.

Limitations: Requires larger investment due to the purchase of existing properties, with a national median dwelling value of $779,819 (as at May 2024) (CoreLogic, 2024), plus redevelopment costs. May have minimal impact on housing affordability overall, unless existing dwellings are subdivided to create additional dwellings.

2. Introduce legislation to allocate a share of new commercial developments to affordable housing.

This option proposes amending state and territory planning legislation to mandate a 5% portion of all new commercial multi-dwelling developments to be allocated to First Nations women. 

Estimated cost: Average cost of $1 million per state and territory for consultation and drafting of legislation in 2024. 

Proposed implementation: State and territory governments through planning legislations.

Min. number of dwellings supported: 1,000 

Limitations: may face challenges with passing legislation amid competing political and commercial interests. Developers may strategically refrain from building in zones where this is mandated, prolonging the timeframe of development of new housing. Further, certain developers may still seek profits on the affordable dwellings, impacting affordability for tenants.

3. Implement and fund cross-sector partnerships with ATSICCHOs, government and philanthropists to build affordable housing.

This option leverages diverse funding sources and expertise to increase the housing stock for First Nations women.

Estimated cost: $1 billion over four years to 2028.

Proposed implementation: Commonwealth Government contributes funding to cross-sector partnerships, which also includes funding from other levels of government and philanthropists, thereby increasing the overall investment in new housing developments. Housing developers and ATSICCHOs manage developments.

Min. number of dwellings supported: 3,000 (based on Commonwealth contribution only).

Limitations: may involve coordination issues and competing interests among stakeholders.

Demand-side options

1. Provide funding to community-led investment initiatives partnering with banks to reduce loan deposit barriers.

Like Case Study 2, this leverages diverse funding sources and improves access to trusted financial products.

Estimated cost: $20 million over four years.

Implementation: Commonwealth Government provides grant funding to financing institutions such as HeadStart Homes. These institutions act like guarantors on home loans for specific cohorts, such as First Nations women from low-income and regional or remote backgrounds.

Min. number of home loans supported: 2,000 (not including other funding sources).

Limitations: to increase the number of products they can offer, community-led initiatives also rely on philanthropic funding, which can fluctuate along with government support.

2. Partner with financial institutions to create tailored home loan products.

This option leverages existing services of financial institutions.Estimated cost: $20 million over four years.

Implementation: Commonwealth Government partners with Australia’s community banks to fund new products targeted to First Nations women, including funding as guarantor on loans for First Nations women who meet specified income and location criteria, e.g. preference given to women in regional and remote Australia. 

Min. number of home loans supported: 1,000.

Limitations: requires high upfront cost to support banks implementing new systems for credit assessment of vulnerable or low-income cohorts. May face challenges such as market-driven loan terms being less favourable for borrowers with lower credit ratings.

Policy recommendation

Using an allocation of funding under the HAFF, this policy recommends the implementation of:

• Supply side: Option 1c., “Implement cross-sector partnerships with ATSICCHOs, government and philanthropists to build affordable housing” and 

• Demand side: Option 2a., “Provide funding to community-led investment initiatives partnering with banks to reduce loan deposit barriers.”

Rationale

Implementing both options provides a comprehensive strategy to address supply and demand of affordable housing for First Nations women. The recommendations leverage cross-sector partnerships between government, philanthropists and community organisations, which increases the diversity of funding, expertise and resources while providing community organisations more agency to deliver solutions that work for their communities. 

While there are already government home loan guarantee programs available, providing funding to not-for-profit financial institutions can provide customers with more favourable terms than they would be able to access at traditional financing institutions. This policy addresses Priority Reform 2: Building the Community Controlled Sector of the NACTG

Funding

The implementation of the preferred options (1c and 2a) requires Commonwealth Government funding of $1.02 billion over the four years to 2028.

Based on Commonwealth funding, this policy is expected to create at least 3,000 new homes for First Nations women and their families, and support at least 2,000 First Nations women in need to purchase their home.

While this represents a starting point in securing 3,000 dwellings for First Nations women by 2028, it may be considered an underinvestment given the identified housing shortage. The policy will be evaluated to address its effectiveness and better understand the remaining housing need.

Implementation

• Develop national agreement:

  • Establish a national agreement over four years to 2028 between state and territory governments and NATSIHA for delivering allocated dwellings to First Nations women, with state-specific targets and a consistent monitoring and evaluation framework.

  • Responsibility: Commonwealth Government Minister for Housing and NATSIHA, in collaboration with state and territory governments.

• Tender and develop partnership agreements:

  • Conduct tender processes to identify suitable ATSICCHO providers and locations for development, particularly in regional and remote areas. Develop partnership agreements outlining funding contributions, roles, responsibilities and monitoring and evaluation terms. 

  • Conduct tender processes for awarding grant funding to not-for-profit financial institutions addressing home loan deposit barriers.

  • Responsibility: Respective state and territory government housing portfolios in coordination with local ATSICCHOs.

• Monitoring and evaluation: 

  • Based on the national agreement, set up monitoring and evaluation plans with successful partners. Ensure reporting is submitted in line with the agreed timelines.

  • Responsibility: State and territory government housing portfolios in coordination with local ATSICCHOs.

• Management of dwellings:

  • ATSICCHOs manage the development and distribution of dwellings, making them available for purchase by First Nations women, or for long-term lease tenure with the goal of homeownership.

  • Responsibility: ATSICCHOs

Limitations

Limited funding resources may constrain the scale and scope of new housing developments, particularly affecting smaller ATSICCHOs and local governments. This includes potential capacity constraints within ATSICCHOs, such as workforce issues, which could impact their ability to effectively manage new developments. Collaborating with state and territory governments to address capacity challenges is crucial for ensuring the success of housing initiatives.

Maintaining cultural sensitivity and appropriateness in housing programs and services for First Nations women is imperative, but can be challenging without meaningful community engagement and consultation. Establishing genuine partnerships between governments, NATSIHA and ATSICCHOs is essential to navigate these challenges effectively and ensure culturally appropriate housing.

Coordinating and aligning efforts between multiple levels of government and stakeholders involved in housing policies can be complex. This complexity may lead to inefficiencies or gaps in service delivery if coordination mechanisms are not robustly established and maintained throughout the implementation process. Continuous monitoring and evaluation of coordination efforts are essential to address any potential inefficiencies.

Monitoring and evaluation 

Effective monitoring and evaluation plans must be integrated into partnership agreements between funding bodies and service delivery partners. This can ensure consistent reporting metrics across diverse service delivery partners, making evaluations more seamless.

Active participation of First Nations women is crucial in defining success and identifying desired outcomes within the context of this policy. These outcomes should align with the Closing the Gap targets and outcomes, particularly Target 9: People can secure appropriate, affordable housing aligned with their priorities and needs.

The following outcomes and indicators should be considered for monitoring and evaluation:

Outcome	Indicator	Data sources
3000 First Nations women achieve homeownership via the program by 2030.	Increased rates of homeownership among First Nations women	ABS Census; IBA, HeadStart Homes and other provider home loan data;
First Nations women have access to more affordable and culturally appropriate housing.	Increase in the stock of housing managed by ATSICCHOs, or built for and bought by First Nations women by 100 per year.	Housing stock reported by state and territory governments; ATSICCHO reporting data; evaluations from this policy
First Nations women have equitable access to home loans.	Increase in the number of First Nations women approved for home loans and with mortgage conversions from 0.57% to 5%.	Data from banks, IBA and HeadStart Homes on home loan approval conversions

It is important to consider the interconnectedness of housing with various life outcomes. These outcomes could include education and employment, homelessness, social housing, health and safety. Evaluation frameworks should capture these interconnected aspects to provide a comprehensive understanding of the policy's impact.

Risks

The proposed policy faces various social, economic and political challenges. Social challenges include concerns about potential perceptions of preferential treatment, as seen in broader societal debates like the 2023 Voice Referendum. The Australian public, however, will not be required to vote on this policy as opposed to the Referendum. Public communication plays a critical role in addressing and highlighting the policy’s broader benefits, including more efficient allocation of public funds leading to long-term cost savings and economic benefits. Additionally, movements such as ‘Not in My Backyard’ pose a social risk, particularly in affluent areas where a high proportion of homeowners who may oppose new developments are located.

Economically, developers may face significant challenges due to lower profit margins from affordable housing projects, potentially discouraging investment and limiting the supply of new housing. This reinforces the importance of partnering with stakeholders who value social benefits greater than financial gains. Lastly, in the political landscape, ongoing government support is essential for the policy’s sustainability across the government terms. 

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